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　　There have been differences among most presidents’ advisers ever since. Thomas Jefferson was accused of relying on an “invisible, inscrutable” group of associates that engaged In backstairs influence.

　　Franklin Roosevelt managed to be a pretty good resident, though even his idolatrous supporters concede that he took his advice from inside and outside the White House and even took a mischievous delight in playing one staff or cabinet member against another.

　　Ike followed the military staff system. He did not spend hours listening to the disputes of his principal aides, but gave Sherman Adams and later General Bedell Smith authority and responsibility for settling differences. When his chief of staff could not settle differences, he insisted on a one-page memorandum defining the problem, no matter how complicated, and then made his decision.

　　Harry Truman did not believe in the single chief of staff. He had six principal advisers with whom he met every morning. At the end of the day, he would have a little bourbon and branch-water with one of them in the Oval Office, then would take a bundle of papers upstairs, put on his green eyeshade and read reports until late in the night.

　　John F. Kennedy followed much the same system with his brother Robert, Larry O’Brlen, Kenny O’Donnell and Ted Sorensen at his side, though their assignments were not limited as rigidly as those of the Truman advisers. Lyndon Johnson did not invite criticism or differences which his staff or cabinet, but bullied his advisers into compliance, which helps explain his troubles in Vietnam.

　　Richard Nixon ran his staff by stealth. He did his homework and mastered the details of policy, but he delegated vast powers to Bob Haldeman and John Ehrlichman in an atmosphere of Byzantine secrecy and intrigue.

　　Jimmy Carter had his troubles between his White House staff and his cabinet, particularly over the conduct of foreign policy. But his White House staff was drawn from a group of Georgia friends who got along with one another comparatively well. He met with the principal members every morning, held a foreign policy meeting often for hours every Friday morning, invited, and listened to disputes, sometimes over the most intricate details of policy.

　　Mr. Reagan’s way is a reflection of his character and his personality. He is more interested in, presenting policy than forming it. He does not have a controlling chief of staff; he does not limit his principal advisers to a special field of concentration like Mr. Truman, but lets the Big Four—Mr. Baker, Mr. Clark, Michael Deaver and Edwin Meese play the field and run across one another; he does not dominate or intimidate his staff, like Mr. Johnson; and he does not read and work like Mr. Carter.

正确答案及解析

正确答案

解析

自从有人指责托马斯·杰弗逊依靠一帮“看不见、摸不透”、专搞“幕后活动”的幕僚以来，美国几乎所有总统的幕僚之间都发生过一些纠葛。

　　富兰克林·罗斯福可算是一位相当出色的总统了，但即使那些把他当偶像崇拜的人也承认：他听取了白宫内外的意见，甚至暗中得意地挑起幕僚或阁员相互争论。

　　艾克则沿袭军事参谋制度。他从不多花时间去听取幕僚间的争执，而是先后授权舍曼·亚当斯和比德尔·史密斯将军负责处理分歧。他的办公室主任解决不了时，不管问题多么复杂，他一定要让他们写一份不超过一页的备忘录，明确问题所在，然后他再作定夺。

　　哈里·杜鲁门不喜欢单一的办公室主任制度。他有6个主要顾问，他每天上午都要跟他们相见，一天工作结束后，还与其中一位在椭圆形办公室喝一杯兑清水的波旁威士忌，然后抱起一捆卷宗上楼，戴起绿色眼罩，一直看到深夜。

　　约翰·弗·肯尼迪大体沿袭这一制度，伴随他的是他弟弟罗伯特、拉里·奥布赖恩、肯尼·奥唐奈和特德·索伦森，不过他们的任务不像杜鲁门的顾问那样受到严格的限制。林顿·约翰逊不鼓励批评，也不鼓励阁员或僚属内存在不同意见，而总是盛气凌人地迫使顾问们顺从他，这也是导致他在越南遇到麻烦的原因所在。

　　理查德·尼克松则用秘密手段操纵其幕僚。他先做好必要的准备，掌握政策细节，但却把大权交给鲍勃·霍尔德曼和约翰·埃利希曼，颇有几分古拜占庭那种阴谋诡秘的气氛。

　　吉米·卡特也曾碰到白宫幕僚同内阁成员不和的问题，特别是在执行外交政策方面。不过他的白宫幕僚来自于佐治亚州的一帮朋友，相处起来还比较融洽。他每天上午同主要顾问碰头，每星期五上午专开一次外交政策的会议，往往要持续几个小时，鼓励并乐于倾听不同意见的争执，有时是关于一些极为错综复杂的政策细节问题。

　　里根先生的工作方式反映了他的气质和个性。他对宣布政策比对制定政策兴趣更浓。他没有一位起控制作用的办公室主任，也不像杜鲁门先生那样把主要顾问一个个地限制在一个专门的领域，而是让贝克先生、克拉克先生、迈克尔·迪弗、埃德温·米斯这四大员满场跑，彼此冲撞。他既不像约翰逊先生那样控制或威吓幕僚，也不像卡特先生那样看文件、那样工作。